The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) held its 26th summit at Kyrgyz Republic’s capital Bishkek on August 31-September 1, which was attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian and other leaders of the member countries. The summit marked the completion of 25 years of the organisation that was launched on June 15, 2001 with China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan — the Shanghai five — as its founding members. India and Pakistan joined the group in 2017.
The Bishkek meet was the first summit of the grouping since the U.S. and Israel started their war on Iran on February 28, 2026, killing the country’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and a host of other senior officials. The Bishkek Declaration expressed “deep concern”, and condemned military strikes on Iran, reaffirmed “support for its sovereignty and territorial integrity”, and criticised the U.S. and Israel for violating the principles of international law and the UN Charter.
They also condoled the assassination of Ali Khamenei and welcomed the peace process that is being supported and mediated by multiple countries, including SCO member Pakistan. In an indirect support for Iran in its nuclear negotiations with the U.S., the SCO summit advocated “inalienable right” of the member countries to “develop” “atomic energy for peaceful purposes”.
The declaration also asserted that the only way to ensure lasting stability in the West Asian region is through a just settlement of the Palestine question. Member states maintained silence on Russia’s role in the Ukraine war and added that “unilateral and unlimited build-up of global missile defence systems by groups of states” has a “negative impact on international security and stability”.
The declaration also mentioned that “unauthorised satellite Internet services on the territory of Member States” is a violation of international law — an obvious reference to entrepreneur Elon Musk’s Starlink providing Internet services in parts of Eastern Ukraine and Iran.
Indian delegation
Prime Minister Modi led the Indian delegation at the summit where he spoke about ensuring that there is “no double standards” in fighting terrorism and called for peace and stability in Afghanistan. He highlighted India’s role in ensuring supply of relief materials to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan over the years, and spoke in favour of greater connectivity between the markets of the SCO members while respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity of the states.
The declaration also called on Afghanistan to form an “inclusive government”. Mr. Modi’s mention of connectivity while respecting territorial integrity is an apparent reference to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that has been a target of India’s criticism over the years. This factor indicated a bit of dissonance within the grouping as India stayed away from endorsing the China-led BRI but other member states expressed support and also advocated alignment between the BRI and the Eurasian Economic Union.
Mr. Modi’s focus on terrorism at the Bishkek summit highlighted an uncomfortable issue India will have to deal with over the next year. With the conclusion of the summit, Pakistan has assumed the chair of the SCO, and the group’s next summit will be held in that country.
The Ministry of External Affairs has not yet clarified whether Mr. Modi will travel to Pakistan to attend the SCO summit next year. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar had visited Islamabad in 2024 to attend the 23rd meeting of the SCO Council of Heads of Government. The Pahalgam terror attack of April 22, 2025, the subsequent Operation Sindoor, and India’s decision to place the Indus Waters Treaty ‘in abeyance’ have further complicated India-Pakistan relations. These developments will be a factor in New Delhi’s decision on the level at which the government sends representatives to next year’s summit in Pakistan.
The Bishkek Declaration included strong language on the troika of challenges — “terrorism, separatism and extremism” — and “strongly condemned” terrorism, reflecting India’s concerns as well as those of other members.
The SCO, which includes both Russia and Iran as members, provides a unique platform for the two countries to articulate their positions on the wars. It allows the primary actors in these conflicts to explain their objectives and positions in a multilateral setting. The SCO also gives the world an opportunity to engage China multilaterally, particularly on issues such as freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.
A platform for engagement
It also provides India and Pakistan with a platform for sustained engagement within a broader multilateral framework. Such engagement is important for regional stability and can help prevent bilateral hostilities from spilling over. The SCO does not have a collective defence component and several of its members have differences and disputes with one another — for example, India-Pakistan tensions and India-China border problem — yet, the grouping has managed to survive for 25 years.
The grouping has 29 charter bodies like the Council of Heads of State, the Council of Heads of Government, the Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, meetings of heads of ministries and/or agencies, the Council of National Coordinators, as well as over 40 working mechanisms of interaction in various fields.
These charter bodies meet throughout the year and serve as formal channels of communication on issues of concern to member states. In the event of a sudden conflict or a cross-border natural calamity, such frequent consultations can serve a practical purpose. The SCO also exerts some pressure on the Trump-era world order. Its leaders have periodically called for greater use of local currencies in trade, a practice viewed with scepticism in the West, particularly by the current U.S. leadership. The announcement of the establishment of an SCO Development Bank is another step in this direction.
Diplomatic objectives
India has used the SCO to advance its diplomatic objectives on multiple occasions since joining the grouping in 2017. Two relevant examples are the 2025 Tianjin Summit and the 2024 Kazan Summit. Seeking to rebuild ties after the setback at Galwan, India and China began to reengage at the Kazan Summit in Russia, where Mr. Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping.
This was followed by another meeting between the two leaders in Tianjin where they agreed on an ‘Early Harvest’ proposal on boundary delimitation and resumption of border trade through three points. The Tianjin meeting demonstrated that the two sides retained the political will to meet despite the strain in ties following Operation Sindoor in May 2025, when China provided support to Pakistan as India targeted terror camps in Pakistani territory.
It also showed that, amid an uncertain phase in India-U.S. relations, with President Donald Trump imposing punitive tariffs on Indian goods, New Delhi could engage all major stakeholders and maintain necessary diplomatic dialogue.
Published – September 06, 2026 01:19 am IST
